Tohoku University Interdisciplinary Collaboration for Global Preparedness and Local Resilience to Next Pandemics (2024)

●Introduction
“The Role of Religion in the Public Sphere and Clinical Religious Workers in Japan”
Toshiaki Kimura (Professor, Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters)

　Until around 1980, the theory of “secularization” was widely accepted in religious studies. According to this theory, scientific advancement and the growing separation of religion and politics in modern nation-states drew a divide between religion and public life. Instead of the public spheres of politics, education, economics, medicine, religion was relegated exclusively to the private sphere where religious freedom is guaranteed.

　Since about 1980, religious perceptions have changed, both from the side of the religious and society. Religion became involved not only in issues related to an individual’s life but also in social issues. For example, Christians in Latin America founded the “Liberation theology” movement to resist colonialism, inequality, and poverty. This approach eventually spread globally, As for Buddhism, the Theravada Buddhists in Southeast Asia began to actively speak out and act on social issues through “Engaged Buddhism.” This movement spread to other regions and sects, such as Mahayana Buddhism. Furthermore, a trend toward “Public religion” emerged, in which religion is integrated into all of society rather than being practiced in private life only.

　In Japan, however, the relationship between the public and religion iscomplicated and different from Western and Southeast Asian countries. InJapan, traditional Shinto and Buddhist folk beliefs and religious practicesare integrated into daily life, however, many people are averse to usingthe word “religion." According to a survey by Yomiuri Shimbun, a majorityof respondents said they “often pray in front of their Buddhist/Shintoaltar” and “visit graves to honor ancestors).” However, only about 26%said they “believe in some kind of religion”: a globally low figure.

　This aversion to the word “religion” could be because the Japanese public strongly associates the term with organizational religion. Furthermore, after Japan opened its borders to the world in the Meiji period, the role of Shintoism was labeled as an ancient Japanese “tradition”, rather than a formal “religion”. Shintoism was included in education, while other religions were excluded from public spheres. Additionally, the government promoted the separation of religious institutions and state. In modern Japanese society, this history, combined with a negative image of groups associated with the New religious movement, results in a persistent mistrust towards religion.　

　Under these circ*mstances, religious organizations struggle with contributing to social causes. The Tenrikyo Disaster Relief Hinokishin Corps―which was dispatched to assist in the areas affected by the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake―was forced to dress in such a way that the local people would be unaware that they were a religious organization. They operated just like other groups to give the local citizens a sense of security. Based on this experience, after the Great East Japan Earthquake, religionists from Miyagi Prefecture and religious scholars from Tohoku University discussed the activities of religious organizations in the disaster-stricken areas. This group confirmed the importance of creating a meta-religious framework in which multiple religious organizations jointly provide aid and spiritual care aligned with survivors’ values without proselytizing.

　Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters established a course to train Rinshou-shuukyoushi (literally translated as “clinical religious workers”, akin to the Western term, ‘chaplain’). This course is now available at other universities. Rinshou-shuukyoushi from various universities are now actively working in hospitals, clinics and elderly care facilities throughout Japan.

　During the COVID-19 pandemic, Rinshou-shuukyoushi faced a new challenge. Dr. Yugaku Igawa, a project assistant professor, will present on the specific activities of Rinshou-shuukyoushi during COVID-19.

● Topic:
“Religionists Confronting the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Activities of BuddhistTemples and Rinshou-shuukyoushi”
Yugaku Ikawa (Project Assistant Professor, Tohoku University Graduate Schoolof Arts and Letters)

Academic/Professional Background
•March 2021: Completed the doctoral program in Death and Life Studies at the Graduate School of Applied Religious Studies, Sophia University.
•Project Assistant Professor, Tohoku University Graduate School of Arts and Letters
•Member of Tohoku University’s Disaster Humanities Research Group and the Core Research Cluster of Disaster Science
•Resident Priest, Tatsuno-ji Temple and Warakuji Temple (Nara City), Koyasan Shingon Sect, Nara, Japan
•Completed the training course for Rinshou-shuukyoushi, Tohoku University Endowed Chair in Practical Religion

　Rinshou-shuukyoushi in Japan, based on the model of Western chaplains (religious leaders who provide spiritual support in various organizations and institutions), were introduced to the Japanese public considering the special religious circ*mstances in Japan. While they are usually affiliated with religious institutions, they specialize in providing care in public spaces such as hospitals, welfare facilities, and disaster-stricken areas. They do not aim to proselytize or engage in religious activities, but rather respect the values of others, and use their experience as religionists to guide people through distress and grief.

　During the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake and the Great East Japan Earthquake, the media occasionally covered memorial ceremonies held for the victims. Particularly in the Great East Japan Earthquake, the government led non-denominational memorial services. Moreover, it appeared that “ecumenical prayers” by religionists resonated socially beyond the boundaries of any specific religion and evoked a sense of solidarity among local communities.

　Conversely, memorial ceremonies for the victims associated with COVID-19 were less prominent in Japan than in other disasters. During COVID-19, religions did not unite communities through civil-religious memorial ceremonies. Instead, priority was given to preventing new cases of infection and preserving religious organizations. Some have pointed out that this reflects how religions prioritize “social decisions” over “decisions based on religious missions."

　Some temples and shrines did not cancel their annual events. Althoughsuch cases were limited, they may be understood as examples of how templesand shrines just barely prevented the division of people in local communitieswhere traditions were valued.

　A survey by Taisho University on Buddhist temples showed that during the COVID-19 pandemic, temples reduced the size of funerals and adjusted the format so only families and close relatives could attend. The survey revealed that monks were in crisis over whether they could preserve their temples since opportunities for proselytizing decreased. The fact that little attention was paid to the relationship between infectious diseases and memorial ceremonies provided an opportunity for monks to reconsider the significance of their involvement in memorial ceremonies: an issue that the Buddhist community must overcome in the future.

　Around the Obon holidays of 2020, local temples and funeral companiesintroduced online funerals and memorial services. Simplification of funeralshad been a trend since before COVID-19. However, during COVID-19,many patientspassed away amidst visitation restrictions at hospitals and welfare facilities.As for COVID-19 victims from around January 2020-2023, their bodies wererecommended to be placed in body bags. To prevent contact with potentiallyinfected bodies, few wakes and funerals were provided. This reality enforcedthe “life/death” division and materialized “hidden deaths” in society.Conversely, there were cases where funerals were held on a smaller scale.In these cases, the bereaved expressed strong enthusiasm for and satisfactionwith the funeral service. Funerals provide an opportunity to promote there-integration of life, death, and community. This is indeed a major factorin the practice of funerals and memorial ceremonies in a society dividedby an infectious disease.

　Between April and May 2021, COVID-19 clusters (outbreaks of infected cases) emerged in many elderly care facilities, resulting in families not being able to be present at their loved one’s deathbeds. Medical facilities prioritized the security of “modern spaces” over care that supported individuals’ needs and autonomy.

　Rinshou-shuukyoushi and other spiritual care professionals could not enter many facilities. Several of their activities were suspended including activities to prevent the isolation of elderly people, listening sessions in palliative care wards, and home visits. Some have shifted to online and on-demand services, but the effectiveness of care through those new modalities must be further examined. Rinshou-shuukyoushi were not deemed “essential workers” to prioritize infection control. Moreover, “care” itself was excluded from essential work in some situations.

　Dr. Ikawa, the speaker, established the group, “Listening to Medical and Nursing Care Workers Fighting Infectious Diseases,” which engages in activities related to the care and support of medical personnel facing infectious diseases. Listening to the voices of medical providers has reinforced the significance of "care" amidst infection control measures that limit caregiving. Reestablishing a culture of care in post-COVID-19 society is a significant challenge. We must involve religion in this process.

　Today, we explored the role of religionists by focusing on traditional Buddhist funerals and the care activities of Rinshou-shuukyoushi in a society where infectious diseases prioritized and reinforced “modern spaces”. Funerals and memorial ceremonies have a social function of reintegrating “life/death,” “person/person,” and “person/society.” Rinshou-shuukyoushi are intermediaries who bring religious and cultural dimensions to medical and welfare settings. They are required to provide care that considers the patient's autonomy, purpose in life, and acceptance of death. They can likely find meaning in their role as caregivers, even without proselytizing.
 
• Commentary
Hiroo Sato (Professor Emeritus, Graduate School of Arts and Letters, Tohoku University)

　People are predestined to die. Since death is an event that no livingindividual has experienced, many develop a strong fear of it. In everyera, among all peoples, we see stories that connect life and death. Duringthe Middle Ages in Japan, it was preached that there was an ideal world(“jodo”) different from this world, and that one could go there after death.In the early modern age, when the reality of the “jodo” could not be shared,the custom of visiting graves became common. People believed that theycould continue to have close relationships with their relatives even aftertheir deaths. From such historical perspectives, we can say that storyof life and death has been lost in our modern society. In this context,Rinshou-shuukyoushi could play a significant role in gently bridging lifeand death and creating a new story.

● Discussion

• Qualification Requirements to Become a Rinshou-shuukyoushi
　To become a Rinshou-shuukyoushi, one must be certified as a priest, pastor,etc. of a traditional religion. Tohoku University's training course initiallyrecruited those who provided counseling to parishioners. In essence, individualsqualified to teach a particular religion or religious group can be accreditedas a Rinshou-shuukyoushi. Religionists in the apprentice stage, such asmissionaries, cannot become Rinshou-shuukyoushi.

• Religious Denominations ofRinshou-shuukyoushi: A Reflection of the ReligiousSituation in Japan
　The distribution of denominations amongst Rinshou-shuukyoushi reflects that of Japan. Traditional Buddhism comprises 70% to 80% of the members, while those affiliated with Christianity account for less than 10%. This is partly because Christianity often does not overlap with the activities of Rinshou-shuuryoushi, as they are engaged in their chaplain activities. Shinto priests are also a minority: the number of State Shinto priests are fewer or about the as Christian priests, while the number of Sect Shinto priests is relatively higher. This could be because Sect Shinto has a historically performed relief activities via welfare in a position close to citizens, whereas State Shinto has been less active in social activity engagement.

• The Changing Role of Religion and Contemporary Issues: From Divisionto Contribution
　Since the 1980’s, people have used religion to promote social good anddefend the most vulnerable through " Liberation theology " and"Engaged Buddhism." Today, however, religion has become a majorfactor in dividing society. For example, East European countries are usingChristianity to justify excluding immigrants; American Evangelicals areopposing COVID-19 measures; and Greek Orthodox priests are honoring thePutin Regime’s invasion of Ukraine. It appears that the role of religionin public domains has become something very different from what it wasoriginally intended to be.

　Since the original conditions that lead to popularizing public religion are different from today, merely politicizing religion may lead to new divisions. Rather than simply focusing on the public voice and political influence of religion, we must consider how religion can contribute to society.

• Defining “Health and Care Workers”: The Positionality of Religious Practice
　The current Pandemic Treaty discusses supporting and protecting healthcare workers, but the Treaty has been criticized for its ambiguity in the definition of "health and Care workers." For example, in Canada, midwives were not recognized as health care workers and were not provided with necessary protective equipment, such as masks, during COVID-19. Therefore, there are critics who argue that to protect health and care workers, the term “health and care worker” should be expanded upon and defined clearly.

　However, even the latest definition of “health and care worker” most probablydoes not include religionists working in healthcare settings, such as Rinshou-shuukyoushi.Depending on the needs of the patients, Rinshou-shuukyoushi and other caregiversneed to be re-positioned in the context of "care." Recently,healthcare and social service agencies are recognizing their own limitationsand are introducing religionists into their services. Project AssistantProfessor Hiroaki Igawa’s suggestion that the “definition of health andcare worker should include those who provide religious care,” goes beyondthe current discussion regarding the Pandemic Treaty and is greatly appreciated.Broader discussion on the definition of health and care workers is needed.

• Passing on Memory: Long-Term Infectious Diseases, Religion, and Amnesia
　Participants discussed the phenomenon where long-term infectious diseases such as COVID-19 and the Spanish flu, as well as the war in Ukraine, become gradually forgotten, unlike disasters and short-term outbreaks (such as SARS). Various opinions were expressed and are introduced below.

　Currently, there is little discussion of COVID-19 in many religions, andthere is a perception that religious institutions are so focused on maintainingtheir organizations that they lack the perspective to carry on the memoryof COVID-19 into the future. While memorial services related to the earthquakedisasters have been held solemnly, few related to infectious diseases havebeen performed. The religious community should spearhead the establishmentof memorial sites and monuments, they are not undertaking any such initiatives..The religious community should think more about how to pass on memoriesbefore they are forgotten.

　In the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, a note from the mayor of Nishinomiya City documented that the first thing he took a notice was to perform a memorial service, but this was not the case with COVID-19. In the case of the Great East Japan Earthquake, some local communities that lost their citizens conducted memorial services, while others did not, especially in many inland areas. These examples suggest the importance of holding memorial services for those who died in atypical ways and can explain the phenomenon of insufficient memorial services for those who died from infectious diseases.

　During the cholera epidemic of the Meiji era, many memorial services andfestivals celebrating recoveries were held, but these gradually declinedas the epidemic dragged on. The decline in such festivals due in largepart to people growing accustomed with the disease.

　Even though the COVID-19 pandemic has not yet ended, the world has deemedit to be over, and the media is trying to avoid mentioning it. Furthermore,when the media does report on it, they are subject to public bashing. Thissituation may need to be examined from a cultural perspective as well.

• The Role of Religion and Infectious Disease Control Measures
　There have been cases where certain fundamentalist religious groups andreligious events have triggered the spread of infections. However, thisdoes not mean that religion is entirely unsafe. Traditional religions aregenerally very supportive of infectious disease control. For example, Muslimshave taken safety precautions, such as by suspending pilgrimages to Mecca.Therefore, we should not criticize religion overall, but understand thatonly few religious groups have caused clusters.

　In religious denominations where congregations are important, such asevangelical Christians, in which the collective experience of being filledwith the Holy Spirit is important, emphasis is placed on the communal experienceof gatherings, rather than individual Bible readings. This makes it difficultto stop such gatherings. While traditional religions have gained wisdomfrom past experiences with infectious diseases and are able to take countermeasures,religions which are less centralized, such as Islam, may find it difficultto control the overall situation. Amid the spread of infectious diseases,a good balance must be achieved with traditional religions, and countermeasuresmust be developed for each infectious disease.

• Japan's Unique Religious Spatiality and Infectious Disease Control Measures
　While Islamic and Hindu religious sites in other countries typically attract large numbers of people, temples and shrines in Japan are usually very quiet and uncrowded. In Japan, people gather in large numbers primarily during festivals. Otherwise, temples and shrines are usually quiet places, making the spread of infectious diseases less likely. Furthermore, temple events are rarely open to the public, which lowers the risk of clusters.

　Traditional Buddhism in Japan functions as a relatively private space. Temples are positioned as private spaces protected by priests, in contrast with public places where many people gather. This feature worked effectively against the spread of infectious diseases. Traditional Buddhism in Japan today is mostly a “modern space,” where infection control measures have enabled the continuation of practices such as memorial services and funerals, which are the very foundation of Buddhism. Therefore, Japanese Buddhists tend to actively engage in infectious disease control.

　The idea of refraining from religious events to avoid the risk of infectious diseases is a modern idea. For most of history, participating in sacred events was considered a form of salvation, even if it resulted in the loss of one's life.

　The ascetic practices (“Shugyo”) at Mount Koya, based on the premise of death, did involve religious values, but such practices involving death disappeared about 150 years ago.

• History of Religious Enlightenment and Infectious Diseases Control Measures
　Even in the Edo period, there were cases in which Buddhist priests serveda public role. To educate the public on abortion control, enlighteningbooks with pictures of hell and demons were created. During the Meiji periodwhen cholera broke out, the Meiji government based their cholera countermeasuresand educational materials on scientific evidence. Religionists were responsiblefor disseminating those materials. Shinto priests were initially recruitedas public teachers (“kyoudoushoku”) as part of the national Shinto system.However, Shinto priests failed to function, and Buddhist priests were reassignedto the position. As a result, religionists from other religions becameinvolved.

　Interestingly, the “kyoudoushoku” was responsible for educating the public on infectious disease control measures. The fact that this role ressembled that of today’s Rinsho-shuukyoushiand was created to communicate morality/ideology beyond religions is thought-provoking.

• Religion in Urban and Rural Areas: Differences Revealed through the COVID-19Pandemic
　Even within Japan, roles religionists play in large cities and rural areasare significantly different. Especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, thedifferences in the roles played by temples and religionists in variousregions became apparent. For example, in one area, religious events continuedwith little restraint. However, in a nearby village, strict self-restraintwas practiced. Early announcement of COVID-19 response strategies and themethod of information dissemination in each region were important factorsin this difference.

　Furthermore, while Rinshou-shuukyoushi are more readily accepted as priests in rural areas, they are less accepted in Tokyo, where there is a strong skepticism toward religion. However, people in Tokyo do have a nebulous view of religion, including public/ancestral memorial services. This phenomenon is known as "spirituality" in religious studies, and these discussions demonstrate the uniqueness of Tokyo.

• Remote Causes of Omitting Memorial Rituals for The Deceased in UrbanAreas
　In Tokyo and other urban areas, fewer people are sending off their deceasedloved ones through formal services as communities have disintegrated andthe number of temples has dropped. On the other hand, services to rearrangefunerals and support for bereaved families who were unable to hold funeralsbecame widespread. In rural areas, people were able to consult with andgain significant support from priests about funerals even during the pandemic.However, the shortage of consultants in urban areas, increased the numberof deaths without a formal send-off, despite the desires of the bereaved.

• The Role of Religionists in Supporting Foreign Residents in Japan: TheReality of Cooperation Across Religious Denominations
　Foreign residents residing in Japan have diverse religious backgrounds.During COVID-19, religionists played a major role in providing support,such as vaccinations. On the other hand, although religious practitionersare positive about cooperating with religious groups, active collaborationwith specific religions is rare. Although Rinshou-shuukyoushi are willingto cooperate with other Rinshou-shuukyoushi from different religious denominations,intense interaction with specific religious groups can be problematic.Collaboration with other religious groups is ostensibly modest. However,in one case, a clinical Jodo Sect Buddhist priest actively collaboratedwith a Vietnamese priest who provided assistance to Vietnamese living inJapan. While such examples are limited, there are still instances whereRinshou-shuukyoushi engaged in social welfare activities cooperate acrossreligious denominations.

• Rinshou-shuukyoushi and Multidisciplinary Collaboration: MaintainingBalance in Overall Care
　In our current situation where multiple types of care are intersecting, we must determine the common goal of care. In this context, rather than providing care directly to patients, the main task of the Rinshou-shuukyoushi would be to collaborate with social workers, nurses, and other multidisciplinary professionals to constantly reevaluate the direction of care that the healthcare facility is aiming for. If multidisciplinary collaboration is lost, Rinshou-shuukyoushi may come to misunderstand that spiritual care is superior to curing. Therefore, multidisciplinary collaboration is extremely important.

• The Coexistence of Religion and Science: The Significance of Rinshou-shuukyoushifrom the Perspective of Infectious Disease Control
　A discussant claimed that, in Japanese shrines and temples, "chouzu"(the act of purifying one's hands and mouth by rinsing with water) wasabolished. Water was replaced by hand sanitizer, and people could not enterthe main shrine without a mask. Masks were considered essential even whenworshipping the dead. Considering these facts, we should reconsider therelationship between science and religion and the significance of religionin our current evidence-oriented society. In extraordinary spaces suchas shrines and temples, perhaps we should tolerate behavior that may differfrom infection control measures.

　In response to the above comment, another discussant asserted that there is no single solution to this problem, and different responses must be tailored depending on the region and situation. We should examine this issue by considering the history and the uniqueness of Japanese religions as they have evolved along with society. In addition, the significance of Rinshou-shuukyoushi in today's society is their sincere attitude toward individual suffering, which cannot be "rounded off". The social significance of religious practitioners cannot be fully understood by scientific evidence alone.

　For science and religion to coexist and overcome confrontations, bothsociety and religion need to change. Rinshou-shuukyoushi have the potentialto contribute to this transformation and may help society and religionevolve.

• Concluding Remarks: Defining the Role of Rinshou-shuukyoushi in a Pandemic
In this crosstalk, professors well-versed in history and anthropology presented and discussed the role of clinical religious leaderss, focusing on issues related to people's views of life and death. Rinshou-shuukyoushi are a unique attempt of public religion that aligns with the uniqueness of Japan’s relationship to religion.

　The COVID-19 pandemic provided an opportunity to reconsider the relationship between society and religion. This massive shared experience will profoundly impact the future relationship between society and religion.

　Rinshou-shuukyoushi gain new insights regarding their connection withsociety while influencing the nature of religion itself. Their role isthe mutual negotiation between religion and society, and they will occupyan important place in the transformation of both religion and society.

　Rather than connecting people to a specific religion, Rinshou-shuukyoushiof all religions draw on their own experiences to confront the irrationalityof human nature and quietly draw out the spiritual sense that lies withinthe Japanese. As we face the pandemic, it is time to open new possibilitiesfor religion.